June 2007 - Posts
[vorige aflewering]
Deel 2 van "SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION, CRIME AND THE URBAN BANTU PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA" deur GM Retief
"CRIME AND THE LAW
Any individual's attitude and conception of right and wrong is determined by the standards observed in his own culture. The concepts of the organized community are imparted to the individual growing up in that cultural unit so that these concepts become internalized. The notion of cultural relativism implies that moral values and norms are not universal, but it does not deny the validity of these values and norms to the people who belong to the culture. The concept of cultural relativism warns the research worker not to make generalizations about 'normal' or 'abnormal' behaviour when dealing with cultural and ethnic groups other than his own.
As has been stated before, the individual's resistance to crime and anti-social conduct is determined by community factors but also by the extent to which he has assimilated into his personality the norms of the group and the values of his culture. If these are well-integrated into his life-pattern, he will be able to resist the consequences of social disorganization.
As a result of the move to the cities, the Bantu peoples have suddenly found themselves no longer subject to tribal law but to the laws of the White people. The Bantu people have had no part in the making of the laws of White urban society. The communal needs of the group also form no background to the social norms on which these laws are based. The ruling legal system has no emotional or ethical value or meaning in his personal make-up. It is therefore clear why the African sometimes comes into conflict with the White man's laws and why the sanctions and laws applicable to White people are only partially accepted by the Bantu peoples in the urban sector. Because of the individual's and the community's attitude towards the legal system, a clear difference between the influence of legal norms in the urban and rural areas exists. Within the tribe, the legal code is comparatively well developed since it originates within the tribe itself and the behaviour of the individual is socially regulated and directed in a spontaneous and natural way.
Another relevant factor is the possibility of discrimination in the application of the criminal law. Several American investigators have indicated to what extent and in which way the application of criminal law in the United States discriminates against Blacks, with a consequent adverse effect on the Negro crime rate. These investigators, for example, cite the observation that Negroes are more readily arrested than Whites and sometimes merely on suspicion. They are more readily prosecuted and find it difficult to obtain bail. In most cases they have to manage without legal representation and in court they are, almost without exception, found guilty. They are also more likely to be imprisoned than fined and are given fewer suspended sentences; are seldom liberated on parole; are imprisoned for longer periods and receive the death sentence more often than White Americans. Prejudice and subjectivity on the part of the police, public prosecutors, juries and judges apparently play an important role.
Some South African investigators hold the view that the South African courts discriminate against Blacks in a similar fashion. But it is important that, in making this assertion, certain facts should not be overlooked. The lesser degree of development among the recntly urbanized Africans results in the commission of crimes in a clumsy and unsophisticated manner that arrest and eventually conviction follow inevitably. The African's reaction towards imprisonment is also of relevance for as he attaches less shame or stigma to imprisonment than Whites, he sometimes prefers imprisonment to paying a fine. The lower social, economic and political development of the Bantu people also bring them into conflict with the law far more readily and sooner than the Whiets and the readiness with which Africans change their place of residence or employment in the urban setting makes pre-trial detention rather than release on bail necessary.
The factor of differential treatment in society must also be taken into consideration both in South African and American society where it has relevance for the incidence of crime among Blacks. The particular population composition and level of development relegate the Black South African, as compared with the White, to a different position in professional life, education, place of residence and use of public places. Of vital importance is the African's own belief that he is subjected to discrimination and injustice. This may result in hatred and aggression.
In South Africa resistance to the White man and the law in the form of organised group crime, occurs fairly often. In addition, Black South Africans frequently rationalize their criminal activities, especially theft and other property crimes, by explaining that the White man owes him a living.
The explanation of criminality among an ethnic group such as the Bantu peoples of South Africa, must carefully consider the cultural backgroud and historical development of the group. In the United States various resarch workers have examined the deviance of American Blacks within the framework of their cultural background and have emphasised the role and significance of their long history of slavery, their location in a caste situation and their involvement incultural conflict.
As a result of contact with the White people of South Africa through the years, the Bantu peoples have developed special attitudes that have affected their conduct to a substantial degree. An important factor controlling the behaviour of the individual is his degree of self-esteem and the expectation of others. This is also true of a group of people. Because of a lesser level of development, the Bantu people frequently feel inferior to the Whites and the attitudes and actions of some groups of Whites further accentuate this feeling of inferiority. The causes for this cannot be examined here but the fact remains that present standards of development among the Bantu peoples result in a spiritual immaturity or insufficiency that directly limits their future growth and development. Because of the high incidence of crime among the urban Bantu people, they are seen as inherently criminal. This attitude naturally encourages further involvement in crime. The African has littel prestige and no reputation to maintain and has little to lose by embarking on a criminal career. Transgression of the law becomes normal or expected and not unusual conduct. In such circumstances the moral and value standards of the whole community may in time degenerate until no high ideals or ambition or striving for betterment exist. Acquiescence and resignation may result. Deviance and crime become commonplace and public opinion becomes indifferent and apathetic. The weakening or even disappearance of social sanctions may produce an increase in crime.
Culture conflict also has an important role to play. Various investigators in the United States have examined the relevance of culture conflict on the incidence of crime and the study of acculturation has examined the role of the individual in the process of cultural contact and cultural adoption. Contact between different cultures cause great tensions for both cultural groups, especially when one cultural group feels superior to the other. This may cause friction between groups and confused behavioural standards may result. It is then that criminal behaviour begins to be regarded by those involved as a class struggle in which compensation for suffering and experience of injustice is sought. Punishment becomes not a stigma but a type of class martyrdom. It is interesting that in situations where Black Americans have been able to develop their own social institutions independently, the criminal record is low. The diminished cultural conflict must explain this finding.
THOUGHTS ON FUTURE POLICY
In interpreting and explaining the phenomenon of urban African crime, the social disorganization model which stresses the weakening of group controls must be explicitly used. It is premised that urban Bantu crime is essentially due to the machinery of social control. There are two important elements in the deterioration and decline of group control. There is, on the one hand, the disintegration of the social organization of the group itself and on the other, the decay of group values. When it is remembered that the maintenance of group control depends on a combination of social structural ties and group values, the implications are obvious.
In the case of the urban Bantu people, the circumstances which make it difficult for the group to control its members and transmit its traditions are present to a lesser or greater extent. The adverse circumstances are essentially the loss of normal group functions as a result of which group activities and norms have little meaning for the individual. There is conflict between value systems, between values and between values and goals. There is also a conflict between goals and their attainment. The loss of normal group functioning and the weakening of group ties heighten value conflict since the group is less able to transmit its moral and value standards effectively. On the other hand, heightened value conflict weakens group ties which are based partially on the acceptance of group values. The result is a vicious circle which may culminate in the collapse of social control.
It is, however, necessary to guard against the one-sided emphasis of the theoretical perspective of social disorganization in the explanation of urban African crime. Crime committed by Bantu people cannot only be explained in terms of social disorganization theory. Although this theory describes most accurately the social processes pertinent to the manifestation and origin of crime in the city, it is necessary to investigate the causes and consequences of these processes. It must also be remembered that what sometimes appears to be a disintegration oftraditional groups and structures may not in reality be so. An apparent loss of function may often be a strenghtening of such functions in a different guise. But in spite of these and other possible limitations, the social disorganization approach provides the most comprehensive view of urban crime among the Bantu people.
If it is recognized that urban African crime in South Africa is due largely to social disorganization and the collapse of social and group controls, it is obvious that in combatting the problem, the internal strenthening of the urban Bantu community must be encouraged. This implies the establishment and consolditation of stronger binding and stabilizing elements in the community. A regular social life which can only be based on closely bound groups and assured social values, is desirable.
As the westernization of the Bantu peoples follow logically from contact and since contact cannot be avoided, the continuation of the process must necessarily be accepted. But, at the same time, it must be remembered that an over-hasty and forced assimilation of Western cultural values and traits can only be to the detriment of the Bantu people of the city. A natural and gradual process of selective adjustment is necessary. Only those elements that can be integrated without ill-effect should be adopted while those which are functional and of value to the tribal culture must be maintained alongside the new and must serve as a framework into which new elements may be incorporated. Only then can the old and new combine in a positive rather than disintegrating process. A stable social organization in which the individual can give proper expression to his individuality can then be re-established."
Die belangrikheid van kultuur en sosialisering in die voorkoming van misdaad is in vorige blogposte onderstreep. As 'n mens nou hierdie beginsels na swart
gemeenskappe toe deurtrek wat vind 'n mens? Kan swart misdaad aan die
hand van kultuurloosheid en onvoldoende sosialisering verklaar word?
Die geskrif wat ek hier weergee is 'n spieëlbeeld van liberale denke
oor hierdie saak. Die vraag is hoe korrek dit is.
Dit is miskien nie baie opwindende leesstof nie en is 'n bietjie lank. Dit is egter waarskynlik die enigste weergawe daarvan op die net al laat die inhoud daarvan jou koud (of verveeld).
"SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION, CRIME AND THE URBAN BANTU PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA"
by GM Retief
MA, DPhil, Professor of Criminology, Unisa
Published as a chapter in Midgley et al: Crime and Punishment in SA, 1975
pp47-56
"Statistics in South Africa demonstrate that, as in the United States of America, the criminality of Blacks, especially in urban areas, exceeds that of Whites. South Africa's criminal statistics, as reported by the Commissioner of Police, indicate that of the total number of prosecutions reported, the proportion of Blacks is larger than that of Whites. Although the Cape Coloured people are prosecuted proportionally more frequently than any other population group, the Bantu peoples have a disproportionately greater share in serious crimes than White people. Serious crimes may be classified either as crimes against the person or as crimes against property. Aggressive or violent crime is especially common among the Bantu peoples but these peoples also have a significant share in all forms of non-serious crime. This is partly because of the regulations concerning the supervision and control of the movement of the Bantu peoples although the position changes appreciably if this type of offence is not taken into account, Bantu people are more frequently involved in non-serious crime than the other population groups and to an extent that is out of all proportion to the size of the African population.
The statistics show that the incidence of crimes against the person among Africans is greater than that of Whites as is the incidence of crimes of indecency and immorality. Bantu people also commit more violent unpremeditated crimes than do Whites.
The rate of increase of African crime in South Africa is considerable and certainly greater than the rate of increase among White people.
The high incidence of crime and the character of crime among the African population of South Africa must be examined in the light of many factors. These include personality factors, the level of cultural development and the social, economic and other conditions in which the Bantu people find themselves today. However, an adequate analysis of urban African crime in South Africa should also consider the effect of factors such as the movement towards the cities and the urbanization of the Bantu. These have resulted in the collapse or, at the very least, the change of binding and regulating elements in communal life. They are crucial factors in the tribal life of the Bantu peoples - factors which control, direct and stabilize the life of the individual and the community.
An attempt to describe urban African crime in South Africa must, therefore, do so within the frame work of the concept of social disorganization - an approach that highlights the relevance of weakened group controls for the incidence and manifestation of crime.
INDIVIDUAL BEHAVIOUR AND COMMUNAL CONTROLS IN TRIBAL LIFE
The role of the family as a basic social unit and fundamental source of instruction is one of the most important factors ensuring discipline and stability in tribal life. A law exists which stipulates subjection to parental authority and defines a patriarchal system. The home is the model for socialization where, through strict parental control and discipline, obedience, dutifulness, refined manners and reespectful submission is stressed. There is a hierarchy of authority and veneration in which each person, according to his age and authority, demands of his lessers a degree of respect and obedience as is demanded of him by his elders.
In addition there is the informal instruction which the child receives from its parents, brothers and sisters, older members of the family and the friends of the same sex and age groups. This instruction commences at a very early age and continues throughout his life. The child learns mainly through observation and imitation. He also learns to appreciate the necessity of the division of labour according to sex. The son helps and imitates the father, the daughter emulates her mother. Together they form a labour and economic unit based on a firm system of mutual obligations . A sense of duty but also an acknowledgement of the nedd to work together go hand in hand with an appreciation of individual interests, rights and privileges.
Relaxation and play have a part in the scheme. Through games, behaviour patterns are reinforced to conform to accepted patterns of upbringing. Stories and legends retold again and again in the evenings confirm the values and moral conceptions ofthe community in the mind of the child.
Formal education also has an important role to play. In tribal society, as in most other social settings, it functions to set standards of individual conduct in wider social circles. Formal education (generally) commences at puberty in African societies and is transmitted through tribal schools and initiation ceremonies. In these schools stress is laid on discipline and military training. The rules governing politeness and respect and obedience towards parents and usperiors are incalculated. The child is also taught the tribal etiquette and duties and obligations to the chief and the tribe. The traditions, customs and laws of the tribe are explained.
As a full member of the tribal community, the maturing adult continues to learn the customs and particularly the moral attitudes and ethical values of the tribe. Legends, myths and participation in ritual ceremonies play a major role. That the tribal African, as a rule, observes the conventions and the body of customs of the community is due to the force of tribal taboos, sanctions and social controls. The tribal African is inclined to do as others of the tribe do and conforms quickly to public opinion. He has a great respect for traditional authority, a sentimental feeling of belonging and a great reluctance to flout public opinion. These characteristics, brought about by intense socialization, ensure that obedience to custom prevails. Contravention of tribal norms also results in ostracism and in addition, in a fear of super natural retribution.
Traditional religion among the Bantu peoples of South Africa enhances the social controls of custom, submissiveness and tribal authority. It is based essentially on ancestor worship and is pre-eminently practical in most respects, being connected with the realities of everyday life. It also involves a very definite element of fear.
It is believed that ancestral spirits are able to help, protect or punish. The member of the tribal community must therefore consider the wishes and expectations of the spirits through both piety and obedience to tribal law and custom in order to foster the goodwill and benignity of the spirits. the tribal African belives that obedience or disobedience to the ancesteral spirits directly affects his immediate future, determines his well-being, success and good fortune on the one hand or his catastrophies, reverses and misfortunes on the other. A practical religion with many direct rewards or punishments is undoubtedly of great importance in the behaviour of one who lives from moment to moment.
Apart from the informal social controls, taboos and other prohibitions which restrain the individual from deviating from the tribal customs, there is a formal system of tribal justice which must also be considered. The tribal system of justice among the Bantu people is based on the principle of the collective responsibility of the group for the misdeeds of the individual. The laws of the tribe are made by the chief-in-council and there is a distinction between civil and criminal offences. Although the laws are not recorded they are known to all because of the respect and veneration they are accorded. They are also enacted at the wish of the tribal community and are nurtured as a very real part of the social structure. The comprehensive knowledge that members have of tribal law and custom is also due to the frequent opportunity and rights of adults to attend court sittings. There is a well-defined, shared conception of justice.
The social and political organization of the tribe is inherently sound. Strict control is exercised over individuals and over collectivities such as the family, the kinship group, the region and district and also over the tribe as a whole. Every political and social unit of the tribe has a head with subordinates responsible to him and this hierarchy functions well from the base to the apex of the social structure. In addition to the immediate family, there is the sib or class as well as age and sex groups which all function to maintain socail ties and a close organization in the community.
While all these factors are the most distinctive forces in the regulations of behaviour and the social life of the tribal Bantu peoples, it isnot suggested that tribal life is so idealistic that deviance and offences against the tribal authority do not exist. Although there is a great difference between the nature and extent of offences in the urban settings, each tribe has its quota of offenders. But in the tribal areas, different systems of norms, values and customs exist and many factors operate to influence the individual to conform spontaneously.
THE MOVE TOWARDS THE CITY AND THE CONSEQUENCES OF URBANIZATION.
The concept of migration is concerned only with the geographical move from rural to city surroundings while that of urbanization describes the deeper significance such a move has in the life of the individual and the community. It is outside the province of this article to sketch the background of the migration of the African to the city but it may be mentioned that the present migratory trends are closely associated with the existing economic system which is based on the principle of cheap Black labour. In 1970 there were 4,40 million Africans of a population of 15,07 million in the urban areas of South Africa.
It is important to realize that the move to the city did not take place on the basis of family relationships nor indeed on a tribal basis. There were never any points of contact or traditional ties with the city for the Bantu peoples. Urbanization has consequently created not onlyvery unusual problems of adaptation but it has set in motion a process of disengagement, disintegration and disruption which has extended even beyond community life into the intimate circles of the family. The heterogeneous tribal origins of the urban Bantu people and an absence of original points of contact and cohesive forces have led to a loosening of tribal ties and to an eventual detribalization.This detribalization has, in so far as it concerns customs, usuages and conventions, resulted in the collapse of tribal unity and loyalty and the weakening of communal tribal interests. It has also resulted in the corresponding process of atomization of the individual. Together with this, the social and political institutions which create and guarantee the solidarity of the sound social and political organization of the tribe began to crumble in the city.
Detribalization accompanied the westernization of the Bantu peoples. While it may be thought that the adoption of Western cultural traits would logically result as a consequence of contact in the urban situation, the process of westernization did not take place in an orderly and natural manner. This occurred largely because the urban Bantu people sought to remedy their feelings of inferiority to the Whites by slavishly imitating the so-called superior Whites. Although it was possible for them readily to adopt the material aspects of Western culture, non-material aspects such as moral conceptions and values were more difficult to assimilate and the African found himself in a cultural vacuum. The fact that culture is related to and arises from biological, psychological, environmental and historical components of human existence was not realized. It was not realized that although culture is variable it cannot readily undergo a complete or basic transformation in a community. The definite and permanent character of African tribal culture had been ignored. In the process of urbanization and exposure to Western, European lifestyles, the African shed not only the less desirable elements of his own culture but also those which should have been retained. Consequently, the real core of tribal culture has been destroyed in the city.
Through urbanization, detribalization and so-called westernization the economic, communal and religious aspects of tribal culture were affected. Economically it meant a change from a subsistence agricultural economy to a monetary economy, a change which caused the urban Black to be no more than a mere worker. His pride in his agricultural labour had been destroyed. The spirit of individualism in the industrial sector also destroyed the previous community identity and feelings of cohesiveness of the tribe and cultivated a degree of selfishness. In the religious field it led to major conflict and caused confusion. Although Christianity to some extent freed the African from primitive religious ideas and conceptions, it did not succeed in anchoring the urban dweller in the Christian faith. It appears that, at this stage, the Christianising of the urban Bantu people has been concerned far more with the acceptance of outward ritual and dogma, than with a real understanding or experience of the fundamental tenets of the Christian religion. This seems to have caused a psychic cleavage in the religious life of the African. Whereas in the tribal situation, religion played an important part in guiding and directing the life of the individual and in influencing almost all aspects of communal cultural and even economic activity, it is, in the city, of little directional value. This is further complicated by the fact that cultural contacts and social changes are not events but continuing processes. Every change results in a series of ever widening changes which compound in complexity. The impact of Christianity on the Bantu people has affected the traditional systems of marriage, moral beliefs and the practice of magic, initiation and other ceremonies.
The disintegrating effects of urban domicile is most marked in the family life of the Bantu people of the city. There is a general instability of family life among the urban Africans. Premarital sex relations occur with impunity while they were carefully controlled in the tribe and the rate of illigitimate births is high. There is a loss of family functions, a change in the mutual relationships between members of the family and the isolation of the family from communal life. It is certain that as a result of the individualization of the African and his breaking away from family ties, the home in the urban setting has lost both its educational and authoritative function. Urban crime among the Bantu people is certainly related to this.
The degree of organization in any community determines to a great extent its susceptibility and resistance to crime. Although there was a deluge of Bantu migrants to the cities, with the view to indefinite residence, little attention was originally given to town and communal planning. So much so that it has been remarked that if ever there were a Cinderella of planning, it was in theurban locations. The African townships or "locations" as they are known were badly sited and squeezed into unattractive and unsuitable corners of the city. There was no room for their healthy expansion and development and as a result of much confusion and disharmony, they developed into repulsive areas. These areas were characterized by adverse social conditions such as poverty, a housing shortage, overcrowding, unemployment, limited educational opportunities and poor recreational and leisure facilities. Both external circumstances and individual factors contributed to the continuation of these unsatisfactory conditions. These conditions and circumstances brought about a collapse of social control whichistypical of most criminal or delinquency areas. This is directly related to the crime rate among the urban Bantu people.
The various social values and institutions and social groups of the rural areas which constituted an organized tribal unit have to a considerable extent, disintegrated in the urban areas. Old communal ties have either disappeared completely or lost their influence to the extent that they are no longer of much importance in community life. Social disorganization is widespread. Viewed against this background of the erosion of natural rules of order and conduct, it is clear that the urban African delinquent is no longer regulated by the traditions, social usages, morality and religion of the earlier pre-urban stage of life."
[word vervolg]
In die vorige blogpos word liries uitgewy oor die sogenaamde dempende effek wat 'n kultuur dan op misdaad sal hê.
Wat is kultuur? Hoe op dees aarde kan dit iets te doen hê met die voorkoms van misdaad. Die wette is tog duidelik oor wat gedoen mag word en wat nie. Hoe kan kultuur enigsins 'n groter bydrae tot gehoorsaamheid lewer as wette en strawwe?
Ek het gaan rondkrap vir 'n definisie van kultuur (as beginpunt om die vrae te beantwoord) en dit lyk my asof 'n mens in die Sosiologie 'n breë, werkbare een kry wat hier inpas.
"Many sociologists and anthropologists define culture as the system of values and meanings shared by a group or society, including the embodiment of those values and meanings in material objects. The people of any group or society share ideas of what is right and wrong, good and bad; and they share a body of knowledge about the environment, and about ways of doing things. Culture is not only shared: It is learned. Humans are not born with culture as bees are born with an instinctual social behaviour. Instead, we learn the culture of our society by observing and being taught by other members."
[Popenoe: Sociology (4ed -1980), pp102-103]
Dit is duidelik dat formele wette ook deel van die "kultuur" in hierdie sin kan wees. Daar is egter aan die ander kant ook baie reëls wat ons nakom wat hoegenaamd nie "wette" in 'n formele sin is nie. Hier kan 'n mens dink aan tafelmaniere, optrede teenoor die teenoorgestelde geslag, godsdienstige oorwegings (soos om Sondag kerk toe te gaan) en baie meer.
Tog is 'n plaende vraag: hoe gebeur dit dat ons ons so vereenselwig met allerhande vereistes dat geen formele strawwe nodig is as afskrikmiddel nie? Dit word ook dikwels gesê dat mense selfs formele wette nakom uit gewoonte en nie juis omdat hulle hul verknies oor die strawwe nie.
Dit is een ding om 'n rits vereistes te hê hoe om jou te gedra. Dit is 'n ander ding om jou te onderwerp aan daardie vereistes en hulle na die beste van jou vermoë na te kom.
Dit bring ons natuurlik terug na Eysenck se kondisionering (waarvolgens daar sielkundige prosesse is wat gevolg word om die mens met die gewenste houding te programmeer). Diegene wat tot hier gelees het, sal weet dat ek argumenteer dat bo en behalwe die kondisionering, ons gewone leerprossese ook 'n bydrae maak tot ons gehoorsaamheid en onderdanigheid.
Dit word ook duidelik in bostaande definisie van kultuur gestel dat dit iets is wat geleer moet word:
" Culture is not only shared: It is learned."
So ek dink 'n mens kan met veiligheid sê dat kultuur nie net bestaan uit 'n stel reëls nie, maar dat die reëls deur die individue ingedrink en geabsorbeer word en dat dit deel van hulle word. Hulle doen dit deur leerprosses (of as 'n mens 'n aanhanger van Eysenck is, deur kondisionering) - of soos ek argumenteer, beide. In wat hierop volg, beskou ek kondisionering as 'n deel van die algemene leerproses
Hierdie proses waardeur die reëls van die kultuur geabsorbeer word, word ook in die Sosiologie aangetref onder die term sosialisering ("socialization").
Die volgende aanhalings help hopelik om dit duideliker te stel.
"The process by which individuals learn the ways of a society or group so that they can function within it is called socialization....It is one of the key concepts of sociology. No matter where a child is born, be it New York City, Bombay, or the Trobriand Islands, the process of socialization is similar. Through interaction with other people, the child is transformed from a helpless human animal, ignorant and completely dependent, into a social being. The child undergoes years of socialization before adulthood, discovering the most acceptable patterns of behaviour and learning social roles. These roles may include daughter or son, sister or brother, or student. The child learns the language of the culture into which he or she is born, and also the values, rules, knowledge, and skills to enable him or her to function in and contribute to that culture. Socialization goes on throughout life. As an adult, the process continues, with new roles to be learned: employee or employer, husband or wife, parent. Even in old age, the need for role learning does not end. A person must learn to be a senior citizen, retired worker, widow, grandparent.
The concept of socialization helps to explain two fundamental aspects of social life: How the individual becomes able to participate in society and how the society gets its members to behave in ways that will let it function smoothly. In addition to learning social skills for their own benefit, through socialization the members of society learn to behave in ways that are adaptive for the society as a whole. When the process is complete and effective, people feel that they want to do what, in terms of society's needs, they are expected to do. Every society seeks to shape the behaviour of its members into patterns that will preserve it. A society will only last so long as its members act together to support and maintain it.
Although this perspective on socialization stresses conformity, no one conforms to social expectations 100 percent of the time. And societies can never be completely effective in the socialization process. When role performance varies too much from expectations, we speak of social deviance. "
[Popenoe, op cit, pp132-133]
Na my mening is dit duidelik hieruit dat 'n mens misdaadgolwe kan verwag as die leerprosse wat verbonde aan socialization is, nie na wense funksioneer nie.
Natuurlik is dit oordrewe om te verwag dat die wêreld armoede sal aanhang soos in die vorige blogpos voorgestel. Armoede as 'n ideologie opsigself sal waarskynlik ook nie juis meehelp om bv alle geweldsmisdade te bekamp nie. Die verontregte minnaar sal nog steeds die ewige liefdesdriehoek met moord in sy hart (en 'n dolk in sy hand) invaar ongeag die armoede van sy opponent. Ons sal steeds onwettig parkeer sonder om te betaal ongeag of ons dit kan bekostig of nie. Die verheerliking van armoede is nie 'n kits-oplossing nie.
Dit is insiggewend dat selfs die edele St Francis se filosofie nie by armoede begin en geëindig het nie: Gebaai in die admosfeer van die middeleeue was ridderlikheid die ander pilaar van sy geloof. Dit maak meer sin as net 'n blote liefdesverhouding met die Fee van Armoede want ridderlikheid het 'n meer eerbiedwaardige verhouding met die wêreld tot gevolg. Miskien sal die ridderlike verneukte minnaar nie sy opponent wreedaardig deurboor nie...net 'n paar klappe gee.
Ten spyte van die Grote St Francis se sjarme kon selfs hy nie die Kultus van Armoede as erfenis agterlaat aan die wêreld nie, want die Hoofstroom Kerk was toe reeds stewig in kapitalisme se greep.
Vir 'n kortstondige oogknip het 'n gedagterigting mense egter meegesleur in 'n golf van medemenslikheid en omgee.
Hoe magtig is die gedagte nie. Die naakte gedagte is miskien net 'n flits in die donker, maar as dit deur watter geheimsinnige proses ookal deel word van ons kultuur bestuur dit ons van geboorte tot dood.
Is dit nie ooglopend dat ons misdaadgolwe moet gaan soek in die vernietiging van die goeie kulturele gom van die samelewewing nie - die onsigbare instrument van sosiale beheer wat ons op die regte pad hou?