Misdaad vir Beginners

Hoe ernstig the aantygings werklik is (sien die artikel aan die einde van my kommentaar), sal 'n mens eers leer as die Nasionale Vervolgingsgesag (die staatsliggaam wat strafregtelike vervolgings in ons howe orkestreer) reageer op die aantygings. Dit word in die artikel gesê dat die liggaam se begroting R1.8 biljoen is. As my somme my nie in die steek laat nie is dit amper R2000 miljoen. Die beweerde onreëlmatighede is in die omgewing van so R500 miljoen - 'n yslike stuk dus van die totale begroting. Dit laat 'n mens wonder of die *onreëlmatighede" nie bloot 'n tegniese punt behels nie want dit bring 'n enorme deel van die totale begroting ter sprake.

'n Mens moet ook nie vergeet dat ons wagtende kroonprins, mnr Zuma, nie 'n baie groot liefhebber van aanklaers is nie.

Alles in ag genome, nog 'n onverkwiklike ontwikkeling in die hart van ons regstelsel wat volg kort op die hakke van die proses wat die Skerpioene tot niet gaan maak .  Waar het jy nou al gesien dat misdaad bekamp word deur die mees suksesvolle eenheid (gebaseer op 'n unieke samewerkingsresep tussen ondersoekbeamptes, regsgeleerdes en ander deskundiges) in 'n stelsel te skrap. As hulle nou nog die polisie onder die Skerpioene se gesag geplaas het, dan is daar miskien ook nog iets te sê voor - maar anders om? Die gepeupel juig natuurlik oor die afskaffing en die ANC doen sy bes om skadebeheer toe te pas.

Voeg hierby die polisie se onvermoë om selfs hul huidige pligte uit te voer soos blyk uit hul pogings om sekuriteitsfirmas te betrek by die bekamping van misdaad en dit is duidelik dat ons getransformeer is na 'n totale piesangrepubliek toe.


State auditors unearth rotten NPA tenders
Wisani wa ka Ngobeni     Published:Oct 26, 2008

The auditor-general, Terence Nombembe, has slammed the National Prosecuting Authority after uncovering widespread tender-rigging and financial irregularities involving more than R500-million.

The unlawful expenditure was uncovered during a routine audit of the NPA’s finances.

Nombembe has now ordered a “full-scale” investigation into the awarding of tenders in the NPA.

The Sunday Times has established that several NPA officials have been suspended while others are facing criminal charges for tender-rigging and taking bribes from service providers.

A senior NPA official confirmed that the Specialised Commercial Crimes Unit, which forms part of the NPA, is conducting its own investigation. Some officials could face criminal charges within weeks.

Some NPA officials have resigned in the wake of the investigation, which comes at a time when the NPA is under pressure from the ANC for pursuing its president, Jacob Zuma. This week parliament voted to disband the Scorpions.

In a report to parliament, Nombembe said he had decided to conduct a “full-scale” investigation because of “possible fraudulent activities”.

Nombembe said that because of the extent of the irregularities he could not even express an audit opinion on the NPA’s financial statements.

The NPA, Nombembe said, had disclosed an amount of R423-million in irregular expenditure in the year to March 2008.

Audit evidence obtained by the auditor-general showed that the R423-million figure had actually been “understated by a potential R86-million”.

The Sunday Times has established that the R86-million irregular expenditure included R30-million given to a company to conduct surveillance operations on behalf of the NPA.

The NPA has an annual budget of R1.8-billion.

In the report, Nombembe said his audit had found complete disregard of the law in the NPA in the awarding of tenders.

Listed among the irregular tenders were:

# R54-million worth of tenders to various consultants, including forensic auditors and intelligence companies, to help the Scorpions with their investigations;

# R66-million paid to the rental company, Rentworks, to rent vehicles;

# An R11-million tender awarded to a security and intelligence company in KwaZulu-Natal. Three NPA officials have been suspended for taking kickbacks from the company;

# R62-million paid to a facilities management company for the NPA’s headquarters in Silverton, Pretoria;

# An additional R35-million paid to the same facilities management company for services not in terms of the contract; and

# Tenders worth R113-million approved without proper delegation of powers.

According to the auditor-general’s report, the NPA flouted the law by awarding tenders to suppliers who did not qualify and were not on the approved database of suppliers.

In some instances the NPA deviated from regulations by awarding contracts worth millions of rands to service providers without putting the contracts out to tender.

Some contractors were appointed and paid millions despite not having been approved by the “authorised official”.

The auditor-general also took a swipe at the NPA for failing to account for criminal assets forfeited to the state.

He said the NPA unit responsible had “failed to disclose forfeiture assets and monies from confiscation and forfeiture orders in the financial statements”.

NPA spokesman Tlali Tlali had not responded to written questions at the time of going to press.

http://www.thetimes.co.za/News/Article.aspx?id=870734

Die berig wat ek hier onder aanhaal bevorder nie juis die debat oor die verband tussen armoede en misdaad nie.  Dit is hoofsaaklik 'n spieëlbeeld van wat die man in die straat glo - en hoe armer hy is, hoe meer skuil hy agter armoede vir sy oortredinge. Armoede word waarskynlik eintlik verwelkom want dit regverdig die hool waarin ons leef: Ons kan 'n vinger na iets behalwe ons self wys...en wie hou nou eintlik van 'n *ryk* man?  Selfs die Bybel sê dat die rykes met moeite die hemel sal inkom. Dit maak dit maklik om die blaam te verplaas na iets buite ons self. Ons kan dus maar voortgaan met ons misdadige lewens (en CD's en DVD's onwettig gebruik), welgeluksalig in ons wete dat ons nie te blameer is vir ons *afwykings* nie!

Ek het veral aan die begin van hierdie blog heelwat ruimte aan die armoede-kwessie bestee en herhaal maar net dat die verband tussen misdaad en armoede nie eenvoudig is nie en dat ons opvoeding en kultuur ook ter sake is.

Let op die stukkie breedsprakigheid wat apartheid ook hierby insleep:

"Sociologists feel that the unusual violence associated with crime here has to do with cultural 'depersonalisation' which has been the net outcome of the repression associated with apartheid. The culture then becomes self perpetuating and worsens. Perpetrators see the victims as 'other' and not as a part of their culture...."

Ek wys veral in my opmerkings oor Swart Kultuur dat ook hierdie punt nie so eenvoudig is nie.

http://www.busrep.co.za/index.php?fArticleId=4646812

NEWS
Poverty singled out as the cause of escalating crime
October 6, 2008

Johannesburg - Most South Africans believe that poverty is the root cause of escalating crime levels in the country, a survey by TNS Research Surveys revealed on Monday.

"Three quarters of the 2000 adults from the seven major metropolitan areas of South African cities agreed that crime was mainly caused by poverty," The company's director of Innovation and Development Neil Higgs said.

While this view was held by the majority of people from various cultural, economic and religious spheres, it was those living in informal settlements and backyard dwellings who strongly agreed.

Eighty-four percent of those living in shacks held this view, followed closely by hostel residents and backyard dwellers at 72 and 77 percent respectively.

"The extreme differences in perspective on poverty as a root cause amongst shack dwellers show the desperate circumstances in which these people feel that they are and the possible desperate measures they see happening all around them by those who want a better life. The urgent need for service delivery, at the very least, is tangible here," Higgs said.

The survey also looked at perceptions held by South Africans regarding the impact of racial discrimination from the past on crime.


Only 51 percent of those surveyed blamed past injustices as the root cause of crime. The majority of white people (30 percent) surveyed disagreed on this while 65 percent of Indians and 55 percent of blacks and coloureds agreed.

"Sociologists feel that the unusual violence associated with crime here has to do with cultural 'depersonalisation' which has been the net outcome of the repression associated with apartheid. The culture then becomes self perpetuating and worsens. Perpetrators see the victims as 'other' and not as a part of their culture," Higgs said.

While the study generally found that most South Africans believed that crime was not going down, they were hypocritical in that they continued to buy pirated DVD's and CD's and refrained from reporting those they knew to be buying stolen goods.

"Over eight out of ten people feel that crime levels are not dropping, yet a fifth of these very people admit their willingness to buy pirated goods. A quarter of people surveyed know others who have bought stolen goods. Had these people been reported to the police, the market for stolen goods would disappear," he said. - Sapa

Dink weer!

http://www.dieburger.com/Stories/News/World/18.0.913591349.aspx

Buiteland
Syfers wys verskil in misdaad in SA, Europa
Leopold Scholtz
24/09/2008 08:13:51 PM - (SA)

Brussel. – Hoe vergelyk misdaad in Suid-Afrika met dié in Europa? Eurostat, die Europese Unie se statistiekburo, het pas ’n studie oor die leefbaarheid van Europese stede met ’n bevolking groter as ’n miljoen uitgereik.

Die jongste syfers is dié van 2004. In dié jaar het Brussel, waar die meeste inbrake voorkom, 11,2 inbrake per 100 000 inwoners beleef. Die jongste landwye Suid-Afrikaanse syfer (vir 2007-’08) is 497,1 gevalle per 100 000 inwoners. Dit beteken ’n daling van 4,7% teenoor die vorige jaar.

Die stuk wat ek hier onder aanhaal is miskien nie 'n wetenskaplike bewys dat blankes in ALLE gevalle die meeste onder misdaad ly nie, maar dit verontrus 'n mens tog. Ek het nie die inligting gekontroleer nie (daar is genoeg skakels vir diegene wat wil seker maak) en aanvaar dit ter goede trou.

http://zahell.blogspot.com/2008/09/more-whites-are-victims-than-blacks.html

More whites ARE victims than blacks

Many people (especially blacks) have denied that more whites are victims of violent crime than are blacks. The following two comments were well written and supported by facts. Maybe those morons who slavishly follow the MSM's lies will care to read this, but then again, they probably prefer the line that the facts shouldn't interfere with a good story.

Indeed one should compare more crime statistics from the so-called 'wealthy white' areas and nearby high-density, black township areas - one does find that the wealthier areas are much more dangerous than the black areas:

I look at Sandton/Wierdabrug police station records versus Soshanguve township. Sandton families were attacked inside their homes 174 times; compared to 31 Soshanguve township families.Yet the high-security upper-class suburbs north of Johannesburg are not considered 'high violent-crime' areas by the Homecoming Revolution campaigners - who consistently claim that 'crime only occurs in poor black townships'. Yet the SA 2008 crime statistics show the exact opposite, namely that there were 174 armed attacks of Sandton residents inside their homes, while 31 Soshanguve families were attacked in the same time period.

The Sandton area reported 94 murders -- and its residents also are much more under siege enroute, with 893 'thefts from motor vehicles' and 93 car-hijackings. Soshanguve residents reported 73 thefts from motor vehicles and 91 car-hijackings. And there are many more people living in Soshanguve than in Sandton so per capita, the Sandton residents are living in a much higher-crime area than do Soshanguve residents. And while the high-density Soshanguve township's residents also cannot afford to buy their security with high walls, security guards and electrified fencing which are such a major feature of life in Sandton and other similar northern-areas suburbs...

Soshanguve still had far less murders: 13, and 15 culpable homicides, 31 armed robberies of families inside their homes, 324 burglaries and 21 armed robberies of businesses.

http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2008/_provinces/gauteng/pdf/soshanguve.pdf
http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2008/_provinces/gauteng/pdf/wierdabrug.pdf
http://www.homecomingrevolution.co.za

I also think we should give our police more credit for the work they are doing. These guys indeed are waging warfare with little handguns against criminals armed with very high-calibre automatics.

It takes a lot of guts to face down such people. Also see other police successes this week: http://www.sapsjournalonline.gov.za/dynamic/dynamicXML.aspx?pageid=431




How's this for comparison statistics: Middle-class 'white' suburb of Lyttleton is much more dangerous per capita than is adjacent Mamelodi township! See the stats in this following report:

Unarmed white man shot dead execution-style, two relatives tied up in Lyttleton, Pretoria robbery September 12 2008 - An unnamed 52-year-old man was shot dead during a robbery in Rietvalleipark near Pretoria on Friday, Gauteng police said. Spokesperson Aveline Hardaker said three men held a 28-year-old woman, her uncle and aunt at gunpoint in her house at 3.15am. The robbers demanded her car keys and cellphones. Her unarmed uncle was shot dead when he merely got up from where he was sitting on a bed. The armed attack gang had apparently ordered the white residents to sit on the bed and ' not make any noise' so the man was immediately shot dead when he tried to get up. He was gunned down execution-style and died on the scene.

The three then tied the two grief-stricken women up with shoelaces and disappeared in the younger woman's car, taking their cellphones with them so that they could not alert police.They also took a computer. Lyttleton police station is handling the investigation.

Middle-class 'white' Lyttleton far more dangerous per capita than adjacent black township Mamelodi: There were 93 armed robberies and 1,538 burglaries at residential homes with families present at the middleclass, primarily 'white Afrikaner' suburb of Lyttleton (pop. 43,000); 43 armed robberies at local businesses, 10 murders+ 38 culpible homicides and 56 attempted murders reported to Lyttleton police station in March 2007-2008's reporting year.

In the adjacent, much more populated 'poor black' township of Mamelodi, populatation 1-million, there were 7 armed robberies and 356 burglaries of family homes; 38 murders and 56 attempted murders reported in the same time period.This means that per capita, white families in Lyttleton are much more liable to be murdered, raped and robbed at gunpoint than are the black residents of neighbouring Mamelodi.

http://www.telegraaf.nl/buitenland/1908289/__Drie_doden_door_ruzie_over_penis__.html?pageNumber=2
Police crime stats cited above: http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2008/_provinces/gauteng/pdf/lyttelton.pdf
http://www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2008/_provinces/gauteng/pdf/mamelodi.pdf
SA census population sizes: http://www.statssa.gov.za/

Ek keer nou terug na 'n onderwerp wat vroeër in hierdie blog aangeraak is: Naamlik, wat die oorsaak van misdaad is.

Dit sal onthou word dat ek verwys het na Eysenck en Merton se teorieë. Volgens Eysenck word misdaad veroorsaak deur die gebrekkige opvoeding van mense (ons weerbaarheid teen die versoekings van die lewe is gevolglik te laag). Merton weer sê dat die samelewing versoekings skep wat die mens tot misdaad dryf. My voorstel was dat 'n mens die twee teorieë kan verenig. Dit blyk tog voor die hand liggend te wees dat beide weerbaarheid en die omvang van die versoeking 'n rol speel. Ek moet ook tog net maan dat die weergawes wat ek hier gee van die twee teorieë uiters vereenvoudig is. Ek dink tog dit gee 'n algemene idee van die denkrigtings agter hierdie misdaadverklarings.

Om die lewe egter net nog 'n bietjie moeiliker te maak is daar nog teorieë wat poog om misdaad te verklaar. Een so 'n teorie is die van Edwin Sutherland wat dan sê dat misdaad aangeleer word. Iemand wat bv in 'n misdadige omgewing woon is meer geneig om by misdaad betrokke te raak.

"The idea that deviance, like conformity, is learned grew out of research ...on certain Chicago neighbourhoods with high crime rates.  A ...high crime rate persisted in these neighbourhoods for over twenty years, even though several different ethnic groups passed through the neighbourhood during that time. If ethnicity was not associated with a high crime rate, what factors were important? The ...researchers concluded that the recent arrivals learned deviant behaviour from people already living in the area, primarily from play groups and teenage gangs....

Beginning in 1931, Sutherland began to develop a theory called differential association.

Everybody is exposed to conforming and deviant behaviours, he argued. These influences compete in the mind of the individual, and the stronger wins out. If socialization to deviance is stronger than socialization to conformity, the person will act in deviant ways. Sutherland identified several factors that work to tip the balance in one direction or the other. The greater the intensity of the relationship with the person or persons teaching deviant behaviour, the greater the number, frequency, and duration of contacts, and the younger the age of contact, the greater the chances of becoming deviant." [Popenoe, p224]

Daar is gemeenskappe in Indië waar misdaad oor geslagte heen 'n lewenswyse is.

Dit blyk egter uit materiaal op die internet dat hierdie misdadige gemeenskappe nou dikwels voorgehou word as bloot vryheidsvegters.

'n Studie is ook in Kampala, Uganda, gedoen wat ek nie op die internet toegang tot kan  kry nie. 'n Gevolgtrekking daarvan was dat "Studies have shown that in developing countries, youth and adult groups perpetuate  and transmit criminal norms."

 Miskien sou hierdie skakel na meer inligting in hierdie verband lei.

Sutherland se teorie kan onder andere gekritiseer word omdat dit nie verklaar hoe die eerste persoon wat hom aan misdaad skuldig maak daartoe gedryf word nie.  Ander persone verval hiervolgens in misdaad omdat hulle van die eerste persoon leer, maar  sy oorspronklike afwyking word nie verklaar nie.

Indien misdaad egter wel aangeleer word, is dit 'n nuttige, bruikbare insig selfs indien dit nie die oorsprong verklaar nie.

Sutherland se teorie verklaar ook nie misdaad wat in die hitte van die oomblik gepleeg word nie soos wanneer die man sy vrou se minnaar in 'n oomblik van ontdekking en  woede doodskiet nie.

 'n Mens snak na jou asem want hierdie hoogheilige twak kom uit die mond van 'n ANC ampsdraer. Hy kritiseer nogal die staat - so asof dit 'n instansie is met wie hy niks te doen het nie. Hierdie is niks meer as 'n rookskerm om die ware impak van  misdaad te verdoesel nie. Dit werk op die beginsel van "Kyk, ons is ontsteld hieroor en ons gaan die regering hel gee". Ek begin al hoe meer die indruk kry dat die sokkertoernooi van 2010 tot gevolg het dat ons 'n algehele aanslag op enige beriggewing het wat dit moontlik in gevaar kan stel. So bv leer ons in die onlangse verlede dat die hordes wat die land binneval uit Zimbabwe nie vlugtelinge is nie, maar hier is om werk te soek en inkopies te doen.

http://www.sundaytimes.co.za/News/Article.aspx?id=536075 

"Let’s be ‘brutal’ with home robbers — ANC top gun
Xolani Xundu	Published:Aug 10, 2007
SERIOUS ABOUT CRIME: ANC secretary- general Kgalema Motlanthe ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe has lashed the state for failing to protect citizens from being robbed and murdered in their homes. In a wide-ranging interview with The Times , Motlanthe said house robberies and burglaries should be regarded as serious crimes. “If citizens cannot be safe in their own homes it is a serious matter. “I think the criminal justice system must be most brutal against those who invade the privacy and security of people in their homes, but they [housebreaking and robberies] are regarded as … minor crimes. “I think the first responsibility should be to secure people in their homes.” He said people had to know that they were safe in their homes, even though they faced the risk of being mugged, or worse, in the streets. “I’m saying my sense is that our attitude on these things is not right and when these things happen, we do not nip them in the bud.” The ANC as the ruling party, had to emphasise the supremacy of the constitution. “All of us, without exception, must live by the tenets of that constitution, these must be applied consistently across the board and the laws that flow from that as well.” Motlanthe added that South Africans, of all races , did not have a culture of observing the rule of law. “The challenge is how are we going to educate our people to understand the importance of the rule of law. “That when you are on the road and go onto the shoulder and overtake cars from the left, or you go through a red traffic light, you are breaking the law. “ We think that is inconsequential and that the rule of law must only apply in major cases. It cannot work like that.” Society in general had to understand that every law had to be respected, not only what some might perceive as “the big deal”. “These are the challenges as I see them. It applies with equal force in terms of corruption.” National crime statistics indicate that house robberies shot up by an alarming 25percent between 2006 and 2007. Security experts argued that the increase was due to stepped up home- security measures that make it difficult for criminals to gain access to properties. Anthony Minnaar, a senior researcher in security risk management at Unisa, said last month: “Because home owners have beefed up security, gangs are now targeting them while they are at home. Much of this is associated with higher levels of violence because the targets have hardened.” A crime survey by The Nielsen Company found that 22percent of South Africans, surveyed in July, said they or family members had been victims of crime during the last 12 months. Of those, 34.4percent said they had been victims of armed robbery and 28.5 percent indicated their homes or those of family members had been burgled. The survey also found 27.3percent of respondents said they had put up electric fencing in 2004, 20.8percent said they signed up for an armed response service in 2005 and, by 2006, 18.6percent said they had fitted vehicle- tracking devices.

 Wel, die antwoord is miskien ietwat verrassend en miskien weerspieël dit eerder wie die meeste kla want die inligting wat volg is meer gebaseer op groepe se persepsies as harde feite.

http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=13&art_id=vn20070804085801910C187216 

"Who do criminals target in SA?

Indian South Africans are bearing the brunt of crime in South Africa, according to a national survey.

In the survey it is also revealed that close to 90 percent of whites, Indians and coloureds believe that very little, or nothing at all, was being done about crime by the government and about 60 percent of their black countrymen agreed with them.

This is according to a study conducted by Markinor for the Institute of Security Studies on the perceptions of crime and violence in South Africa.

The report concludes that Indians were the minority group bearing the brunt of criminal activities with at least 66 percent of Indian adults questioned knowing someone who had been a victim of crime.

Die regering (en die polisie) boer vooruit op hierdie vrugbare akker.

Die statistieke word ook nie deur die regering se lakeie aan die groot klok gehang nie. 

Soos ook die ekonomiese statistiek vir die landbou word dit sorvuldig verswyg.

Enigeen wat hom in 'n boerdery-rigting begewe moet na sy kop laat kyk.

Kortliks, gedurende die 12 maande tot Maart 2007 was daar 2,18 aanvalle per dag met 'n moord elke 5de dag.

"Plaasaanvalle het vanjaar met 25% toegeneem, luidens die jongste misdaadstatistieke wat die polisie bekend gestel het.

In die vorige boekjaar -van Maart 2005 tot Maart 2006 - was daar 636 plaasaanvalle en van Maart 2006 tot Maart 2007 het dit toegeneem tot 794. Die aantal moorde wat in dieselfde tydperk voorgekom het, het bykans dieselfde gebly. Volgens die amptelike statistieke was daar altesaam 86 die afgelope boekjaar - teenoor die vorige jaar se 88 plaasmoorde....

In die huidige boekjaar was daar 16 plaasmoorde en 82 aanvalle in KwaZulu-Natal, 16 moorde en 49 aanvalle in die Vrystaat, 14 moorde en 141 aanvalle in Mpumalanga, 10 moorde en 132 aanvalle in Noordwes, 1 moord en 19 aanvalle in Limpopo, 3 moord en 14 aanvalle in die Oos-Kaap, 3 moorde en 17 aanvalle in die Wes-Kaap en geen moorde en 2 aanvalle in die Noord-Kaap."

[Wes-Kaap Agri, 11 Julie 2007, p1]

'n Mens kan miskien argumenteer dat misdaad  hoog is - oral. Daar is dus nie noodwendig regverdiging om NET op misdaad in die landbou te fokus nie.

Hierdie volgende  artikel toon egter dat misdaad in die landbou onaanvaarbaar hoog is en spesiale aandag verg (wat nie gegee word nie).

http://www.news24.com/News24/South_Africa/Politics/0,,2-7-12_1967544,00.html

"Farming: 'Most dangerous' job

13/07/2006 22:42  - (SA) 
   

Johannesburg - Rural crime has turned farming into one of the most dangerous professions in the country, the Freedom Front Plus said on Thursday.

'Farmers are the group among which the most murders take place, on average 313 out of each 100 000,' FF Plus spokesperson Pieter Groenewald said in a media statement.

'The likelihood of a victim dying during a farm attack is three times higher than a victim dying during a (cash-in) transit heist.'

Groenewald said the rate of police killings - 153 out of every 100 000 - was much lower than in the case of farmers.

'It can be accepted that since 1991 up to now, approximately 1 600 farmers in nearly 10 000 of farm attacks have already been killed.'

This was based on an average murder figure of 112 a year between 2000 and 2004, Groenewald said.

It was 'extremely disconcerting' that the government was continuing the closure of commandos.

'The government knows that sector policing in rural areas does not work and a vacuum exists in the security of these areas,' Groenewald said.

'It is clear that the government is not disturbed by the farm murders and farm attacks.'  "




 

In die vorige blogpos word dit gestel dat misdaad in die swart kultuur en gemeenskap ten minste ten dele ten doel gehad het om die blanke heerskappy hier te lande, te vernietig.

Daar is Sosiologiese Grondslae om so 'n stelling  in die teorie  te staaf. Wat ek hier onder aanhaal gaan 'n bietjie wyer omdat dit argumenteer dat misdaad ('n meer eng vorm van 'deviance') sekere gunstige maatskaplike funksies vervul. My belangstelling in die aanhaling is egter hoofsaaklik die samehorigheidsgevoel en die vergemakliking van sosiale manipulasie wat deur misdaad aangehelp word.

"Social Functions of Deviance

Although deviance is seldom thought desirable, sometimes it actually helps the social system to function and change in desired directions.

(1) Deviance can help to clarify and define social norms. Many social norms are vague until they are broken. The group reaction on that occasion then defines the norm. Students sharing a kitchen, for example, might have a rule stating that the sink, stove, and refrigerator are to be kept clean. But since cleanliness is a vague term, the students do not know exactly what is expected of them. If one of them leaves tomato sauce stains on the stove and no one notices, while another student leaves dirty dishes all over the kitchen and everybody complains, the users of the kitchen will then understand the norm of cleanliness."

[Op hierdie basis is dit miskien argumenteerbaar dat 'n primitiewe norme-stelsel soos gevind in swart kultuur 'n ruk neem om op hierdie tref- en- trap manier daardie norme wat 'n meer komplekse samelewing aan die gang hou, te identifiseer en deel van daardie kultuur te maak.]
 

"(2) Deviance  can increase group solidarity. According to George Herbert Mead (1964) 'The attitude of hostility towards the lawbreaker has the unique advantage of uniting all members of the community in the emotional solidarity of aggression'. Group members find that they share a common attitude towards the deviant, and in many cases, they must take some common action to control or suppress the deviance.

Sometimes the group unites on behalf of the deviant, and this too, increases group solidarity. The group may want to protect one of  its members from the effects of deviance, or help the deviant conform. Because members feel that keeping the group intact is worth trouble and effort, both these actions assert group values.

(3) Deviance can bring about needed changes in the social system. Social change through deviance is the hope of nonconfrming deviants. Sometimes, owing to the deviant actions of some members, the rest of the group realizes that a rule is undesirable or that it contradicts other, more important rules. The rule is then changed. In the civil disobedience campaign begun by Martin Luther King, Jr, for example, the rule-breaking of large numbers of black Americans called the nation's attention to the unfairness of existing laws requiring or permitting segregation. The civil rights movement ultimately brought about a change in these laws.

(4) Deviance makes conformity seem more desirable. This result occurs only when the deviant is unsuccessful and is punished. When everyone conforms, conformity is not considered a special virtue. But when a  deviant is punished, all those who did not deviate are rewarded by not receiving punishment and by the feeling of having done 'the right thing'. The conformists' desire to adhere to the rule is strengthened."

[Popenoe, pp219-221]

'n Mens kan insien hoe misdaad kan meehelp om 'n eenheidsgevoel te vestig en sekere sosiale oogmerke te bereik. Dit verklaar egter nie bevredigend misdaad in die swart groep self nie (statisties 'n groot probleem). Waarom sal 'n reaksie teen wit oorheersing meebring dat swartes misdade teen mekaar pleeg? Dit kan seker verklaar word (soos Retief doen) in die ineenstorting van sosiale strukture en norme. Dit sal ook onthou word dat ek argumenteer dat die swart kultuur se wese onversoenbaar met westerse denke is en voorlopers van die geweld en misdaad bevat, wat ons treiter. Daar mag ook intern 'n magstryd  heers om die betrokke swart groep te oorheers en te mobiliseer (teen wit oorheersing nie). So 'n magstryd mag uiting vind in misdaad. 'n Mens kan seker ook 'n verklaring in skynbare doellose anargie  vind om die blanke strukture en norme uit te wis.

Soos reeds vantevore geargumenteer, of dit nou per ongeluk of doelbewus was: Afrika se grootskaalse wanorde het in 'n groot mate daarin geslaag om westerlinge uit Afrika te verjaag. Algehele anargie werk skynbaar net so goed soos direkte aanvalle op die "vyandelike" elemente en kultuur.

Dit is so 'n smartlike verhaal van swart lyding wat Retief daar vertel dat 'n mens nie anders as met 'n skuldgevoel (en 'n knop in jou keel) die naaste swarte 'n fooitjie in die hand wil stop nie.

Soos hy dit vertel is die swartes se kultuur deur westerse  kontak verwoes en daarmee saam hul sosialisering en gemeenskapkontroles wat  wetsgehoorsaamheid afdwing. Dit laat natuurlik misdaad die hoogte inskiet.

Daar is aspekte wat Retief op die oog af nie so volledig behandel nie. So is een byvoorbeeld die feit dat die stedelike swart bevolking vir 'n lang tyd hoofsaaklik manlik was. Dit het die normale  funksionering  van 'n huisgesin bykans onmoontlik gemaak. Hy noem dit egter in  voetnota 7  (ek het nie die voetnotas bygevoeg by die blogweergawes nie).  Wat hy ook in 'n voetnota noem is dat die gesagstrukture nie bloot op respek berus het nie, maar vrees (voetnota 4). Dit alles werk natuurlik misdaad in die hand.

'n Ander aspek wat Retief nie so duidelik na vore bring nie, is dat so baie van die kultuurgoed van die swarte totaal teenstrydig met huidige westerse gewoontes is. So kan 'n mens die godsdiens (voorvadergeeste), huwelik (veelwywery) , gemeenskaplike grondbesit, die onderwerping aan 'n outokratiese regeringstelsel, die onderwerping van die individu aan die eise van die gemeenskap, tradisionele genesers,  barbaarse inisiasie-rituele, kinderarbeid,  en  bygelowe, noem. Na my mening is die aanvaarding van westerse gebruike in baie gevalle kosmeties van aard (soos preparate om velkleur ligter te maak en hare reguit). Ook die "aanvaarding" van Christenskap is in baie gevalle bloot 'n byvoegsel tot die oorspronklike gelowe (dit noem Retief baie spesifiek). 

Hierdie kulturele konflik veroorsaak dat sekere grondliggende aspekte van westerse kultuur, soos kapitalisme, uiters moeilik binne die tradisionele raamwerk geakkommodeer kan word.

Wat 'n mens moet toegee is dat dat die meganismes wat kultuur-oordrag moontlik maak (soos ouerlike toesig en onderrig) en die sosiale kontroles (die beheer van die opperhoof en die tradisionele howe) baie verwater het.

Dit is egter interessant dat hierdie sogenaamde verwatering net in sekere opsigte geld en dat daar steeds 'n hardnekkige vasklewing aan grondliggende gewoontes is (soos bv gemeenskaplike grondbesit soos reeds gemeld).

'n Mens wonder of die ondermyning van die swart kultuur deur westerse oortuigings in werklikheid so 'n voldwonge feit was of is. Swart Afrika het tog daarin geslaag  om die westerlinge uit Afrika te verdryf en om voort te leef in 'n sosiale bestel waar die oorspronklike norme weer sterker en sterker  na vore kom. Westerse gebruike en norme is in tru-rat. Is 'n kultuur wat so iets kon vermag werklik bejammerenswaardig? Dobber daar nie 'n slinksheid en 'n geslepenheid en 'n meedoënlose krag sonder weerga onder die oppervlakte nie?

Insiggewend in hierdie verband is 'n paar opmerkings wat Giliomee  in sy boek The Afrikaners (Tafelberg & Virginia) 2003, p69, maak.

"The points on which the burghers felt superior - the Christian religion, monogamous marriage, dress and artifacts of Western civilization - had little meaning for the Xhosa. Still, the burghers considered themselves superior....

The Xhosa attempted to enmesh the burghers in their networks and eventually integrate them into their society along the pattern of the Xhosa absorption of Khoikhoi clans. Trading, begging, and military alliances all formed part of the Xhosa initial interaction with another society, followed by marriage and other forms of social incorporation. All hinged on outsiders accepting African leadership and on payment of tribute to a chief, according to Xhosa custom..."

Hierdie beskrywing is nie van 'n hulpelose kultuur nie. Om die waarheid te sê, 'n mens kan daarin parallelle  vind omtrent wat vandag die situasie in Suid-Afrika is.

As die swart kultuur dus nie so totaal vernietig is as wat  somtyds voorgegee word nie, hoe verklaar 'n mens dan die swart misdadigheid? Retief se uitgangspunt is tog dat misdaad aangeblaas word deur die afwesigheid van 'n effektiewe swart kultuur.

Ten dele word die antwoord waarskynlik gevind in 'n kultuur wat oorlewings-aanvalle loods op 'n vreemde kultuur. Misdadigheid is die slagveld waarop die westerse kultuur vernietig word. 'n Mens vind spore van hierdie gedagterigting ook in Retief se werk. Hy meld byvoorbeeld dat die swartes nie aanklank vind by die (blanke) wette wat hulle nie gemaak het nie. Aanvalle (waarby 'n groot groep misdade  inbegrepe is wat diefstal insluit) op die indringers (blankes) word waarskynlik eerder as heldedade as misdaad beskou. Dan is daar waarskynlik aanvalle wat niks anders as openlik oorlog is nie.

Hierdie gedagterigting sluimer waarskynlik ook in Retief se agterkop waar hy sê:

"It must also be remembered that what sometimes appears to be a disintegration of traditional groups and structures may not be in reality so. An apparent loss of function may often be a strengthening  of such functions in a different guise." (p54)

Daar is ook sekere inherente aspekte van swart kultuur wat misdadigheid aanmoedig. 'n Mens kan byvoorbeeld kennis neem van die rol wat die militêre magte in die tradisionele opset gespeel het. Die kondisionering van seuns om 'n kultuur van oorlogsgeweld en militarisme as gewoon te aanvaar is een aspek hiervan. Die Hitler-jeug van Duitsland kom miskien die naaste hieraan in moderne westerse terme. Dit blyk ook dat die sosialiserings-aspek van seuns verwaarloos is en dat hulle op jeugdige ouderdom grootliks aan hulself oorgelaat is en in troppe gedwaal het. Die inisiasie-skole het eers op 'n latere ouderdom hul gewoond gemaak aan dissipline en ander sosiale deugde. Gegewe die outoritêre strukture was selfbeheersing afgeskeep omdat dit nie meer deeglik op daardie laat ouderdom ingedril kon word as deel van die persoonlikheid  nie. By die geringste verslapping van die mag van die opperhoof sou hulle nie in staat wees om hulself te beheers tot die selfde mate as wat westerlinge dit kan doen nie. Die sosiale beheermeganisme was hoofsaaklik ekstern tot die persoonlikheid.  Na my mening kan 'n groot  deel van die geweld onder swartes self in terme hiervan verklaar word.

'n Blik op die swart strafreg verskaf ook 'n perspektief.  So blyk dit dat misdade begaan teenoor individue beskou was as  misdade teenoor die opperhoof en die was dan geregtig om die misdaad te straf. Onmiddelik kom die gedagte op dat indien die slagoffer van 'n ander stam was (of 'n blanke was) dit waarskynlik nie beskou sou word as 'n misdryf teenoor die dader se eie opperhoof nie. 'n Groot ruimte bestaan dus vir misdrywe wat nie juis as sulks beskou sou word  in 'n betrokke swart gemeenskap nie. Hierdie situasie word bykans onhoudbaar waar 'n betrokke stam met 'n groot aantal persone in kontak sou wees (soos in 'n moderne ekonomie) wat nie eie stamlede is nie.

Daar is 'n verdere eienaardigheid omtrent swart strafreg en dit is dat die groep aanspreeklik gehou word vir die dade vir die individu. Dit maak dit waarskynlik maklik om die blankes as 'n groep te teiken vir gewaande (of werklike) onregte wat sekere blankes   aan die swartes sou aangedoen het.

In die geheel gesien, al sou blankes nie Afrika verower het met die gepaardgaande onderwerping van swart groepe nie, sou die swart kultuur nie in staat gewees het om kapitalisme en die moderne stedelike gemeenskapslewe te hanteer nie. Misdaad (of ten minste geweldadige misdaad) sou steeds 'n groot probleem gewees het.

Die swart kultuur is by uitstek ontwikkel in arm, sosialistiese samelewings wat oorheers word deur sterk individue wat in staat is om deur vrees, wet en orde af te dwing. Dit het nie die inherente krag om kapitalisme en stedelike samelewings te laat gedy nie. Dit bied egter uitstekend weerstand teen meer gesofistikeerde, welvarende  samelewings (wat gebou is op orde en demokrasie, privaatbesit, individualisme en persoonlike selfdissipline)  en vernietig hierdie tipe samelewings juis deur die primitiewe destruktiewe aard van die oeroue eie sosiale norme en instellings.

[vorige aflewering]

Deel 2 van "SOCIAL  DISORGANIZATION, CRIME AND THE URBAN BANTU PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA" deur GM Retief

                                             "CRIME AND THE LAW

Any individual's attitude and conception of right and wrong is determined by the standards observed in his own culture. The concepts of the organized community are imparted to the individual growing up in that cultural unit so that these concepts become internalized. The notion of cultural relativism implies that moral values and norms are not universal, but it does not deny the validity of these values and norms to the people who belong to the culture. The concept of cultural relativism warns the research worker not to make generalizations about 'normal' or 'abnormal' behaviour when dealing with cultural and ethnic groups other than his own.

As has been stated before, the individual's resistance to crime and anti-social conduct is determined by community factors but also by the extent to which he has assimilated into his personality the norms of the group and the values of his culture. If these are well-integrated into his life-pattern, he will be able to resist the consequences of social disorganization.

As a result of the move to the cities, the Bantu peoples have suddenly found themselves no longer subject to tribal law but to the laws of the White people. The Bantu people have had no part in the making of the laws of White urban society. The communal needs of the group also form no background to the social norms on which these laws are based. The ruling legal system has no emotional or ethical value or meaning in his personal make-up. It is therefore clear why the African sometimes comes into conflict with the White man's laws and why the sanctions and laws applicable to White people are only partially accepted by the Bantu peoples in the urban sector. Because of the individual's and the community's attitude towards the legal system, a clear difference between the influence of legal norms in the urban and rural areas exists.  Within the tribe, the legal code is comparatively well developed since it originates within the tribe itself and the behaviour of the individual is socially regulated and directed in a spontaneous  and natural way.

Another relevant factor is the possibility of discrimination in the application of the criminal law. Several American investigators have indicated to what extent and in which way the application of criminal law in the United States discriminates against Blacks, with a consequent adverse effect on the Negro crime rate. These investigators, for example, cite the observation that Negroes are more readily arrested than Whites and sometimes merely on suspicion.  They are more readily prosecuted and find it difficult to obtain bail. In most cases they have to manage without legal representation and in court they are, almost without exception, found guilty. They are also more likely to be imprisoned than fined and are given fewer suspended sentences; are seldom liberated on parole; are imprisoned for longer periods and receive the death sentence more often than White Americans. Prejudice and subjectivity on the part of the  police, public prosecutors,  juries and judges apparently play an important role.

Some South African investigators hold the view that the South African courts discriminate against Blacks in a similar fashion. But it is important that, in making this assertion, certain facts should not be overlooked. The lesser degree of development among the recntly urbanized Africans results in the commission of crimes in a clumsy and unsophisticated manner that arrest and eventually conviction follow inevitably. The African's reaction towards imprisonment is also of relevance for as he attaches less shame or stigma to imprisonment than Whites, he sometimes prefers imprisonment to paying a fine. The lower social, economic and political development of the Bantu people also bring them into conflict with the law far more readily and sooner than the Whiets and the readiness with which Africans change their place of residence or employment in the urban setting makes pre-trial detention rather than release on bail necessary.

The factor of differential treatment in society must also be taken into  consideration both in  South African and American society where it has relevance for the incidence of crime among Blacks. The particular population composition and level of development relegate the Black South African, as compared with the White, to a different position in professional life, education, place of residence and use of public places. Of vital importance is the African's  own belief that he is subjected to discrimination  and injustice. This may result in hatred and aggression.

In South Africa resistance to the White man and the law in the form of organised group crime, occurs fairly often. In addition, Black South Africans frequently rationalize their criminal activities, especially theft and other property crimes, by explaining  that the White man owes him a living.

The explanation of criminality among an ethnic group such as the Bantu peoples of South Africa, must carefully consider the cultural backgroud and historical development of the group. In the United States various resarch workers have examined the deviance of  American Blacks within the framework of their cultural background and have emphasised the role and significance of their long history of slavery, their location in a caste situation and their involvement incultural conflict.

As a result of contact with the White people of South Africa through the years, the Bantu peoples have developed special attitudes that have affected their conduct to a substantial degree. An important factor controlling the behaviour of the individual is his degree of self-esteem and the expectation of others. This is also true of a group of people. Because of a lesser level of development, the Bantu people frequently feel inferior to the Whites and the attitudes and actions of some groups of Whites further accentuate this feeling of inferiority. The causes for this cannot be examined here but the fact remains that present standards of development among the Bantu peoples result in a  spiritual immaturity or insufficiency that directly limits their future growth and development. Because of the high incidence of crime among the urban Bantu people, they are seen as inherently criminal. This attitude naturally encourages further involvement in crime.  The African has littel prestige and no reputation to maintain and has little to lose by embarking on a criminal career. Transgression of the law becomes normal or expected and not unusual conduct. In such circumstances the moral and value standards of the whole community may in time  degenerate until no high ideals or ambition or striving for betterment exist. Acquiescence and resignation may result. Deviance and crime become commonplace and public opinion becomes indifferent  and apathetic. The weakening or even disappearance of social sanctions may produce an increase in crime.

Culture conflict also has an important role to play. Various investigators in the United States have examined the relevance of culture conflict on the incidence of crime and the study of acculturation has examined the role of the individual in the process of cultural contact and cultural adoption. Contact between different cultures cause great tensions for both cultural groups, especially when one cultural group feels superior to the other. This may cause friction between groups and confused behavioural standards may result. It is then that criminal behaviour begins to be regarded by those involved as a class struggle in which compensation for suffering and experience of injustice is sought. Punishment becomes not a stigma but a type of class martyrdom. It is interesting that in situations where Black Americans have been able to develop their own social institutions  independently, the criminal record is low. The diminished cultural conflict must explain this finding.

THOUGHTS ON FUTURE POLICY

In interpreting and explaining the phenomenon of urban African crime, the social disorganization model which stresses the weakening of group controls must be explicitly used. It is premised that urban Bantu crime is essentially due to the machinery of social control. There are two important elements in the deterioration and decline of group control. There is, on the one hand, the disintegration of the social organization of the group itself and on the other, the decay of group values. When it is remembered that the maintenance of group control depends on a combination of social structural ties and group values, the implications are obvious.

In the case of the urban Bantu people, the circumstances which make it difficult for the group to control its members and transmit its traditions  are present to a lesser or greater extent. The adverse circumstances are essentially the loss of normal group functions as a result of which group activities and norms have little meaning for the individual. There is conflict between value systems, between values and between values and goals. There is also a conflict between goals and their attainment. The loss of normal group functioning and the weakening of group ties heighten value conflict since the group is less able to transmit its moral and value standards effectively. On the other hand, heightened value conflict weakens group ties which are based partially on the acceptance of group values. The result is a vicious circle which may culminate in the collapse of social control.

It is, however, necessary to guard against the one-sided emphasis of the theoretical perspective of social disorganization  in the explanation of urban African crime. Crime committed by Bantu people cannot only be explained in terms of social disorganization theory. Although this theory describes most accurately the social processes pertinent to the manifestation and origin of crime in the city, it is necessary to investigate the causes and consequences of these processes. It must also be remembered that what sometimes appears to be a disintegration oftraditional groups and structures may not in reality be so. An apparent loss of function may often be  a strenghtening of such functions in a different guise. But in spite of these and other possible limitations, the social disorganization  approach provides the most comprehensive view of urban crime among the Bantu people.

If it is recognized that urban African crime in South Africa is due largely to social disorganization and the collapse of social and group controls, it is obvious that in combatting the problem, the internal strenthening of the urban Bantu community must be encouraged. This implies the establishment and consolditation of stronger binding and stabilizing elements  in the community. A regular social life which can only be based on closely bound groups and assured social values, is desirable.

As the westernization of the Bantu peoples follow logically from contact and since contact cannot be avoided, the continuation of the process must necessarily  be accepted. But, at the same time, it must be remembered that an over-hasty and forced assimilation of Western cultural values and traits can only be to the detriment of the Bantu people of the city. A natural and gradual process of selective adjustment is necessary. Only those elements that can be integrated without ill-effect should be adopted while those which are functional and of value to the tribal culture must be maintained alongside the new and must serve as a framework into which new elements may be incorporated. Only then can the old and  new combine in a positive rather than disintegrating process. A stable social organization in which the individual can give proper expression to his individuality can then be re-established."

Die belangrikheid van kultuur en sosialisering in die voorkoming van misdaad is in vorige blogposte onderstreep. As 'n mens nou hierdie beginsels na swart gemeenskappe toe deurtrek wat vind 'n mens? Kan swart misdaad aan die hand van kultuurloosheid en onvoldoende sosialisering verklaar word? Die geskrif wat ek hier weergee is 'n spieëlbeeld van liberale denke oor hierdie saak. Die vraag is  hoe korrek dit is.

Dit is miskien nie baie opwindende leesstof nie en is 'n bietjie lank.  Dit is egter waarskynlik die enigste weergawe daarvan op die net al laat die inhoud daarvan jou koud (of verveeld).

"SOCIAL  DISORGANIZATION, CRIME AND THE URBAN BANTU PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA"

                                   by  GM Retief
                           MA, DPhil, Professor of Criminology, Unisa 
      Published as a chapter in Midgley et al: Crime and Punishment in SA, 1975 
                                                        pp47-56

"Statistics in South Africa demonstrate that, as in the United States of America, the criminality of Blacks,   especially  in urban areas,  exceeds that of Whites. South Africa's criminal statistics, as reported by the Commissioner of Police, indicate that of the total number of prosecutions reported, the proportion of Blacks is larger than that of Whites. Although the Cape Coloured people are prosecuted proportionally more frequently  than any other population group, the Bantu peoples have a disproportionately greater share in serious crimes than White people.    Serious crimes may be classified either as crimes against the person or as crimes against property.  Aggressive or violent crime is especially common among the Bantu peoples but these peoples also have a significant share in all forms of non-serious crime. This is partly because of the regulations concerning the supervision and control of the movement of the Bantu peoples although the position changes appreciably if this type of offence is not taken into account,  Bantu people are more frequently  involved in non-serious crime than the other population groups and to an extent that is out of all proportion to the size of the African population.

The statistics show that the incidence of crimes against the person among Africans is greater than that of Whites as is the incidence of crimes of indecency and immorality. Bantu people also commit more violent unpremeditated crimes than do Whites.

The rate of increase of African crime in South Africa is considerable and certainly greater than the rate of increase among White people.

The high incidence of crime and the character of crime among the African population of South Africa must be examined in the light of many factors. These include personality factors, the level of cultural development and the social, economic and other conditions in which the Bantu people find themselves today. However, an adequate analysis of urban African crime in South Africa should also consider the effect of factors such as the movement towards the cities and the urbanization of the Bantu. These have resulted in the collapse or, at the very least, the change of binding and regulating elements in communal life. They are crucial factors in the tribal life of the Bantu peoples - factors which control, direct and stabilize the life of the individual and the community.

An attempt to describe urban African crime in South Africa must, therefore, do so within the frame work of the concept of social disorganization - an approach that highlights the relevance of weakened group controls for the incidence and manifestation of crime.

INDIVIDUAL BEHAVIOUR AND COMMUNAL CONTROLS IN TRIBAL LIFE

The role of the family as a basic social unit and fundamental source of instruction is one of the most important factors ensuring discipline and stability in tribal life. A law exists which stipulates subjection to parental authority and defines a patriarchal system. The home is the model for socialization where, through strict parental control and discipline, obedience, dutifulness, refined manners and reespectful submission is stressed. There is a hierarchy of authority and veneration in which each person, according to his age and authority, demands of his lessers a degree of respect and obedience as is demanded of him by his elders.

In addition there is the informal instruction which the child receives from its parents, brothers and sisters, older members of the family and the friends of the same sex and age groups. This instruction commences at a very early age and continues throughout his life. The child learns mainly through observation and imitation. He also learns to appreciate the necessity of the division of labour according to sex. The son helps and imitates the father, the daughter emulates her mother. Together they form a labour and economic unit based on a firm system of mutual obligations . A sense of duty but also an acknowledgement of the nedd to work together go hand in hand with an appreciation of individual interests, rights and privileges.

Relaxation and play have a part in the scheme. Through games, behaviour patterns are reinforced to conform to accepted patterns of upbringing. Stories and legends retold again and again in the evenings confirm the values and moral conceptions ofthe community in the mind of the child.

Formal education also has an important role to play. In tribal society, as in most other social settings, it functions to set standards of individual conduct  in wider social circles. Formal education (generally) commences at puberty in African societies and is transmitted through tribal schools and initiation ceremonies. In these schools stress is laid on discipline and military training. The rules governing politeness and respect and obedience towards parents and usperiors are incalculated. The child is also  taught  the tribal etiquette and duties and obligations to the chief and the tribe. The traditions, customs and laws of the tribe are explained.

As a full member of the tribal community, the maturing adult continues to learn the customs and particularly the moral attitudes and ethical values of the tribe. Legends, myths and participation in  ritual ceremonies play a major role. That the tribal African, as a rule, observes the conventions and the body of customs of the community is due to the force of tribal taboos, sanctions and social controls. The tribal African is inclined to do as others of the tribe do and conforms quickly to public opinion. He has a great respect for traditional authority,  a sentimental feeling of belonging and a great reluctance to flout public opinion. These characteristics, brought about by intense socialization, ensure that obedience to custom prevails. Contravention of tribal norms also results in ostracism  and in addition, in  a fear  of super natural retribution.

Traditional religion among the Bantu peoples of South Africa enhances the social controls of custom, submissiveness and tribal authority. It is based essentially on ancestor worship and is pre-eminently practical in most respects, being connected with the realities of everyday life. It also involves a very definite element of fear.

It is believed that ancestral spirits are able to help, protect or punish. The member of the tribal community must therefore consider the wishes and expectations of the spirits through both piety and obedience to tribal law and custom in order to foster the goodwill and benignity of the spirits. the tribal African belives that obedience or disobedience to the ancesteral spirits directly affects his immediate future, determines his well-being, success and good fortune on the one hand or his catastrophies, reverses and misfortunes on the other. A practical religion with many direct rewards or punishments is undoubtedly of great importance in the behaviour of one who lives from moment to moment.

Apart from the informal social controls, taboos and other prohibitions which restrain the individual from deviating from the tribal customs, there is a formal system of tribal justice which must also be considered. The tribal system of justice among the Bantu people is based on the principle of the collective responsibility of the group for the misdeeds of the individual. The laws of the tribe are made by the chief-in-council and there is a distinction between civil and criminal offences. Although the laws are not recorded they are known to all because of the respect and veneration they are accorded. They are also enacted at the wish of the tribal community and are nurtured as a very real part of the social structure. The comprehensive knowledge that members have of tribal law and custom is also due to the frequent opportunity and rights of adults to attend court sittings. There is a well-defined, shared conception of justice.

The social and political organization of the tribe is inherently sound. Strict control is exercised over individuals and over collectivities such as the family, the kinship group, the region and district and also over the tribe as a whole. Every political and social unit of the tribe  has a head with subordinates responsible to him and this hierarchy functions well from the base to the apex of the social structure. In addition to the immediate family, there is the sib or class as well as age  and sex groups which all function to maintain socail ties and a close organization in the community.

While all these factors are the most distinctive forces in the regulations of behaviour and the social life of the tribal Bantu peoples, it isnot suggested that tribal life is so idealistic that deviance and offences against the tribal authority  do not exist.  Although there is a great difference between the nature and extent of offences in the urban settings, each tribe has its quota of offenders. But in the tribal areas, different systems of norms, values and customs exist and many factors operate to influence the individual to conform spontaneously.

THE MOVE TOWARDS THE CITY AND THE CONSEQUENCES  OF URBANIZATION.

The concept of migration is concerned only with the geographical move from rural to city surroundings while that of  urbanization describes the deeper significance such a move has in the life of the individual and the community. It is outside the province of this article to sketch the background of the migration of the African to the city but it may be mentioned that the present migratory trends are closely associated with the existing economic system which is based on the principle of cheap Black labour. In 1970 there were 4,40 million Africans of a population of 15,07 million in the urban areas of South Africa.

It is important to realize that the move to the city did not take place on the basis of family relationships nor indeed on a tribal basis. There were never any points of contact or traditional ties with the city for the Bantu peoples. Urbanization has consequently created not onlyvery unusual problems of adaptation but it has set in motion a process of disengagement, disintegration and disruption which has extended even beyond community life into the intimate circles of the family. The heterogeneous tribal origins of the urban Bantu people  and  an absence of original points of contact and cohesive forces have led to a loosening of tribal ties and to an eventual detribalization.This detribalization has, in so far as it  concerns customs, usuages and conventions, resulted in the collapse of tribal unity and loyalty and the weakening of communal tribal interests. It has also resulted in the corresponding process of atomization  of the individual. Together with this, the social and political institutions which create and guarantee the solidarity of the sound social and political organization of the tribe began to crumble in the city.

Detribalization accompanied the westernization of the Bantu peoples. While it may be thought that the adoption of Western cultural traits would logically result as a consequence of contact in the urban  situation, the process of westernization  did not take place in an orderly and natural manner. This occurred largely because the urban Bantu people sought to remedy their feelings of inferiority to the Whites by slavishly imitating the so-called superior Whites. Although it was possible for them readily to adopt the material aspects of Western culture, non-material aspects such as moral conceptions and values were more difficult to assimilate and the African found himself in a cultural vacuum. The fact that culture is related to and arises from biological, psychological, environmental and historical components of human existence was not realized. It was not realized that although culture is variable it cannot readily undergo a complete or basic transformation in a community. The definite and permanent character of African tribal culture had been ignored. In the process of urbanization and exposure to Western, European lifestyles, the African shed not only the less desirable elements of his own culture but also those which should have been retained. Consequently, the real core of tribal culture has been destroyed in the city.

Through urbanization, detribalization and so-called westernization the economic, communal and religious aspects of tribal culture were affected. Economically it meant a change from a subsistence agricultural economy to a monetary economy, a change which caused the urban Black to be no more than a mere worker. His pride in his agricultural labour had been destroyed. The spirit of individualism in the industrial sector also destroyed the previous community identity and feelings of cohesiveness of the tribe and cultivated  a degree of selfishness. In the religious field it led to major conflict and caused confusion. Although Christianity to some extent freed the African from primitive religious ideas and conceptions, it did not succeed in anchoring the urban dweller in the Christian faith. It appears that, at this stage, the Christianising of the urban Bantu people has been concerned far more with the acceptance of outward ritual and dogma, than with a real understanding or experience of the fundamental tenets of the Christian religion. This seems to have caused a psychic cleavage in the religious life of the African. Whereas in the tribal situation, religion played an important part in  guiding and directing the life of the individual and in influencing almost all aspects of communal cultural and even economic activity, it is, in the city, of little directional value. This is further complicated by the fact that cultural contacts and social changes are not events but continuing processes. Every change results in a series of ever widening changes which compound in complexity. The impact of Christianity on the Bantu people has affected the traditional systems of marriage, moral beliefs and the practice of magic, initiation and other ceremonies.

The disintegrating effects of urban domicile is most marked in the family life of the Bantu people of the city. There is a general instability of family life among the urban Africans. Premarital sex relations occur with impunity while they were carefully controlled in the tribe and the rate of illigitimate births is high. There is a loss of family functions, a change in the mutual relationships between members of the family and the isolation of the family from communal life. It is certain that as a result of the individualization of the African and his breaking away from family ties, the home in the urban setting has lost both its educational and authoritative function. Urban crime among the Bantu people is certainly related to this.

The degree of organization in any community determines to a great extent its susceptibility and resistance to crime. Although there was a deluge of Bantu migrants to the cities, with the view to indefinite residence, little attention was originally given to town and communal planning. So much so  that it has been remarked that if ever there were a Cinderella of planning, it was in theurban locations. The African townships or "locations" as they are known were badly sited and squeezed into unattractive and unsuitable corners of the city. There was no room for their healthy expansion and development and as a result of much confusion and disharmony, they developed into repulsive  areas. These areas were characterized by adverse social conditions such as poverty, a housing shortage, overcrowding, unemployment, limited educational opportunities and poor recreational and leisure facilities. Both external circumstances and individual factors contributed to the continuation of these unsatisfactory conditions. These conditions and circumstances brought about a collapse of social control whichistypical of most criminal or delinquency areas. This is directly related to the crime rate among the urban Bantu people.

The various social values and institutions and social groups of the rural areas which constituted an organized tribal unit have to a considerable extent, disintegrated in the urban areas. Old communal ties have either disappeared  completely or lost their influence to the extent that they are no longer of much importance    in community life. Social disorganization is widespread. Viewed against this background of the erosion of natural rules of order and conduct, it is clear that the urban African delinquent is no longer regulated by the traditions, social usages, morality and religion of the earlier pre-urban stage of life."

[word vervolg]
 

In die vorige blogpos word liries uitgewy oor die sogenaamde dempende effek wat 'n kultuur dan op misdaad sal hê.

Wat is kultuur? Hoe op dees aarde kan dit iets te doen hê met die voorkoms van misdaad. Die wette is tog duidelik oor wat gedoen mag word en wat nie. Hoe kan kultuur enigsins 'n groter bydrae tot gehoorsaamheid lewer as wette en strawwe?

Ek het gaan rondkrap vir 'n definisie van kultuur (as beginpunt om die vrae te beantwoord) en dit lyk my asof 'n mens in die Sosiologie 'n breë, werkbare een kry wat hier inpas.

"Many sociologists and anthropologists define culture as the system of values and meanings shared by a group or society, including the embodiment of those values and meanings in material objects. The people of any group or society share ideas of what is right and wrong, good and bad; and they share a body of knowledge about the environment, and about ways of doing things. Culture is not only shared: It is learned. Humans are not born with culture as bees are born with an instinctual social behaviour. Instead, we learn the culture of our society by observing and being taught by other members."

[Popenoe: Sociology (4ed -1980), pp102-103]

Dit is duidelik dat formele wette ook deel van die "kultuur" in hierdie sin kan wees. Daar is egter aan die ander kant ook baie reëls wat ons nakom wat hoegenaamd nie "wette" in 'n formele sin is nie. Hier kan 'n mens dink aan tafelmaniere, optrede teenoor die teenoorgestelde geslag, godsdienstige oorwegings (soos om Sondag kerk toe te gaan) en baie meer.

Tog is 'n plaende vraag: hoe gebeur dit dat ons ons so vereenselwig met allerhande vereistes dat geen formele strawwe nodig is as afskrikmiddel nie? Dit  word ook dikwels gesê dat mense selfs formele wette nakom uit gewoonte en nie juis omdat hulle hul verknies oor die strawwe nie.

Dit is een ding om 'n rits vereistes te hê hoe om jou te gedra. Dit is 'n ander ding om jou te onderwerp aan daardie vereistes en hulle na die beste van jou vermoë na te kom.

Dit bring ons natuurlik terug na Eysenck se kondisionering (waarvolgens daar sielkundige prosesse is wat gevolg word om die mens met die gewenste houding te programmeer). Diegene wat tot hier gelees het, sal weet  dat ek argumenteer dat bo en behalwe die kondisionering, ons gewone leerprossese ook 'n bydrae maak tot ons gehoorsaamheid en onderdanigheid.

Dit word ook duidelik in bostaande definisie van kultuur gestel dat dit iets is wat geleer moet word:

" Culture is not only shared: It is learned."

So ek dink 'n mens kan met veiligheid sê dat kultuur nie net bestaan uit 'n stel reëls nie, maar dat die reëls  deur die individue ingedrink en geabsorbeer word en dat dit deel van hulle word. Hulle doen dit deur leerprosses (of as 'n mens 'n aanhanger van Eysenck is, deur kondisionering) - of soos ek argumenteer, beide. In wat hierop volg, beskou ek  kondisionering as 'n deel van die algemene leerproses

Hierdie proses waardeur die reëls van die kultuur geabsorbeer word, word ook in die Sosiologie aangetref onder die term sosialisering ("socialization").

Die volgende aanhalings help hopelik om dit duideliker te stel.

"The process by which individuals learn the ways of a society or group so that they can function within it is called socialization....It is one of the key concepts of sociology.  No matter where a child is born, be it New York City, Bombay, or the Trobriand Islands, the process of socialization is similar. Through interaction with other people, the child is transformed from a helpless human animal, ignorant and completely dependent, into a social being. The child undergoes years of socialization before adulthood, discovering the most acceptable patterns of behaviour and learning social roles. These roles may include daughter or son, sister or brother, or student. The child learns the language of the culture into which he or she is born, and also the values, rules, knowledge, and skills to enable him  or her to function in and contribute to that culture. Socialization  goes on throughout life. As an adult, the process continues, with new roles to be learned: employee or employer, husband or wife, parent. Even in old age, the need for role learning does not end. A person must learn to be a senior citizen, retired worker, widow, grandparent.

The concept of socialization helps to explain two fundamental aspects of social life: How the individual becomes able to participate in society and how the society gets its members to behave in ways that will let it function smoothly. In addition to learning social skills for their own benefit, through socialization the members of society learn to behave in ways that are adaptive for the society as a whole. When the process is complete and effective, people feel that they want to do what, in terms of society's needs, they are expected to do. Every society seeks to shape the behaviour of its members into patterns that will preserve it. A society will only last so long as its members act together to support and maintain it.

Although this perspective on socialization stresses conformity, no one conforms to social expectations 100 percent of the time. And societies can never be completely effective in the socialization process. When role performance varies too much from expectations, we speak of social deviance.  "

[Popenoe, op cit, pp132-133]

Na my mening is dit duidelik hieruit dat 'n mens misdaadgolwe kan verwag as die leerprosse wat verbonde aan socialization is, nie na wense funksioneer nie.

Natuurlik is dit oordrewe om te verwag dat die wêreld armoede sal aanhang soos in die vorige blogpos  voorgestel. Armoede as 'n ideologie opsigself sal waarskynlik ook nie juis meehelp om bv alle geweldsmisdade te bekamp nie. Die verontregte minnaar sal nog steeds die ewige liefdesdriehoek met moord in sy hart (en 'n dolk in sy hand) invaar ongeag die armoede van sy opponent. Ons sal steeds onwettig parkeer sonder om te betaal ongeag of ons dit kan bekostig of nie. Die verheerliking van armoede is nie 'n kits-oplossing nie.

Dit is insiggewend dat selfs die edele St Francis se filosofie nie by armoede begin en geëindig het nie: Gebaai in die admosfeer van die middeleeue was ridderlikheid die ander pilaar van sy geloof. Dit maak meer sin as net 'n blote liefdesverhouding met die Fee van Armoede want ridderlikheid het 'n meer eerbiedwaardige verhouding met die wêreld  tot gevolg. Miskien sal die  ridderlike verneukte minnaar nie sy opponent wreedaardig deurboor nie...net 'n paar klappe gee.

Ten spyte van die Grote St Francis se sjarme kon selfs hy nie die Kultus van Armoede as erfenis agterlaat aan die wêreld nie, want die Hoofstroom Kerk was toe reeds stewig in kapitalisme se greep.

Vir 'n kortstondige oogknip het 'n gedagterigting mense egter meegesleur in 'n golf van medemenslikheid en omgee.

Hoe magtig is die gedagte nie. Die naakte gedagte  is miskien net 'n flits in die donker, maar as dit deur watter geheimsinnige proses ookal deel word van ons kultuur bestuur dit ons van geboorte tot dood.

Is dit nie ooglopend dat ons misdaadgolwe moet gaan soek in die vernietiging van die goeie kulturele gom van die samelewewing nie - die onsigbare instrument van sosiale beheer wat ons op die regte pad hou?

As ons Merton kan glo dat ons onbereikbare ideale aanleiding gee tot pogings om ons hartsbegeertes te vervul met onaanvaarbare kort paaie; dat ons langs hierdie dwaalweg in misdaad verval; dan is een antwoord tog seker dat ons ons weerbaarheid teen sulke versoekings moet opskerp; dat ons Eysenck se raad moet volg en ons kondisionering teen die versoekings moet verhewig.

Sal ons nie sommige van ons begeertes kan verdoof as ons 'n kultuur van armoede aanhang nie? As ons ons kultuur so wysig dat armoede 'n edel staat word nie? Laat dit deur Eysenck se kondisionering of deur die rasionele brein geskied (watter een maak tog seker nie saak nie?) Of laat dit dan maar neerkom op 'n vermindering in Merton se anomie.

Laat ons dan van die kateder, die preekstoel en die klaskamer af die edel staat van armoede verkondig. Laat die kinderoppassers en die media dit daagliks uitbasuin: "Streef na armoede want dit is meer menswaardig as die gejaag na die reënboog se pot goud".

Met eensklaps los ons ook die aanslag op moedertjie aarde op want die hulpbronne wat sy in haar boesem koester hoef nie meer gemyn te word om almal kougom en warm water te gee nie.

Armoede sal ook die sterftesyfer die hoogte in laat skiet en die bevolkingsaanwas drasties verminder.

Die mag van kultuur en godsdiens om die mens se geesteswêreld om te keer en hom in staat te stel om die uiterste van uitmergelende omstandighede te aanvaar en selfs te omhels, word grafies geïllustreer deur die volgende vertelling van Kenneth Clark in sy "Civilisation" reeks (1971 sagteband uitgawe, 8ste druk (1974)).

"In the years [ongeveer 1220] when the north portal of Chartres ['n katedraal in Frankryk] was being built, a rich young dandy named Francesco Bernadone suffered a change of heart. He was, and always remained, the most courteous of men, deeply influenced by French ideals of chivalry. And one day when he had fitted himself up in his best clothes in preparation for some chivalrous campaign, he met a poor gentleman

 St Francis and the poor gentleman

whose need seemed to be greater than his own, and gave him his cloak. That night he dreamed that he should rebuild the Celestial City. Later he gave away his possessions so liberally that his father, who was a rich businessman in the Italian town of Assisi, was moved to disown him; whereupon Francesco took off his remaining clothes and said that he would possess nothing, absolutely nothing. The Bishop of Assisi hid his nakedness, and afterwards gave him a cloak; and Francesco went off into the woods, singing a French song.

The next three years he spent in abject poverty, looking after lepers, who were very much in evidence in the Middle Ages, and rebuilding with his own hands (for he had taken his dream literally) abandoned churches. One day at Mass he heard the words 'Carry neither gold nor silver, nor money in your girdle, nor bag, nor two coats, nor sandals, nor staff'. I suppose he had often heard them before, but this time they spoke directly to his heart. He threw away his staff and his sandals and went out bare-footed onto the hills. In all his actions he took the words of the Gospels literally and he translated them into the language of chivalric poetry and of those jongleur songs that were always on his lips. He said that he had taken poverty for his Lady,

St Francis marrying his lady poverty 

 and when he achieved some still more drastic act of self-denial, he said that it was to do her a courtesy. It was partly because he saw that wealth corrupts; partly because he felt that it was discourteous to be in the company of anyone poorer than oneself.

From the first everyone recognised that St Francis (as we may now call him) was a religious genius - the greatest, I believe, that Europe has ever produced; and when, with his first twelve disciples, he managed to gain access to Innocent III, the toughest politician in Europe (who was also a great Christian), the Pope gave him permission to found an order. It was an extraordinary piece of insight, because St Francis was not only a layman with no theological training, but he and his poor, ragged companions were so excited when they went to see the Pope that they began to dance. What a picture! Unfortunately the early painters of the Franciscan legend do not reproduce it.

The most convincing illustrations of the story of St Francis are the work of Sienese painter Sassetta, although he painted so much later, because the chivalric, Gothic tradition lingered on in Siena as nowhere else in Italy, and gave to Sassetta's sprightly images a lyric, even a visionary quality more Franciscan than the ponderous images of Giotto. But they have more authority, not only because Giotto was working almost a hundred and fifty years nearer to the time of St Francis, but because he, and his circle, were chosen to decorate the great church dedicated to St Francis in Assisi. And when it came to the later and - how shall I say it? - less lyrical episodes in the saint's life, Giotto's frescoes have a fullness of humanity that was beyond Sassetta. Where they seem to me to fail is in their image of the saint himself. They make him too grave and commanding. They don't show a spark of the joy that he valued almost as highly as courtesy. Incidentally we don't know at all what he looked like. The earliest representation which must date from just after his death is (appropriately enough) on a French enamel box. The best know early painting is attributed to the first famous Italian painter, Cimabue. It looks quite convincing, but I am afraid that it is entirely repainted, and only shows us what the nineteenth century thought St Francis ought to have been like.

St Francis died in 1226 at the age of forty- three worn out by his austerities. On his deathbed he asked forgiveness of 'poor brother donkey, my body' for the hardships he had made it suffer. He had seen his group of humble companions grow into a great institution, and in 1220 he had, with perfect simplicity, relinquished control of the order. He recognised that he was no administrator. Two years after his death he was canonised and almost immediately his followers began to build a great basilica in his memory. With its upper and lower church, jammed onto the side of a steep hill, it is both an extraordinary feat of engineering and a masterpiece of Gothic architecture.

 Assisi Church

It was decorated by all the chief Italian painters of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, from Cimabue onwards, so that it became the richest and most evocative church in Italy . A strange memorial to the little poor man, whose favourite saying was 'Foxes have holes and the birds of the air have nests: but the Son of Man hath not where to lay his head'. But of course, St Francis's cult of poverty could not survive him - it did not even last his lifetime. It was officially rejected by the Church ; for the Church had already become part of the international banking system that originated in thirteenth-century Italy. Those of Francis's disciples, called Fraticelli, who clung to his doctrine of poverty were denounced as heretics and burnt at the stake. And for seven hundred years capitalism has continued to grow to its present monsterous proportions. It may seem that St Francis has had no influence at all, because even those humane reformers of the nineteenth century who sometimes invoked him did not wish to exalt or sanctify poverty but to abolish it.

And yet his belief that in order to free the spirit we must shed our earthly goods is the belief that all great religious teachers have had in common - eastern and western, without exception. It is an ideal to which, however impossible it may be in practice, the finest spirits will always return. By enacting that truth with such simplicity and grace, St Francis made it part of the European consciousness. And by freeing himself from the pull of possessions, he achieved a state of mind which gained a new meaning in the late eighteenth century through the philosophy of Rousseau and Wordsworth. It was only because he possessed nothing that St Francis could feel sincerely a brotherhood with all created things, not only living creatures, but brother fire and sister wind.

This philosophy inspired his hymn to the unity of creation, the 'Canticle of the Sun'; and it is expressed with irresistible naivety in a collection of legends known as the Fioretti, 'The Little Flowers'. Not many people can make their way through the arguments of Abelard or the Summa of St Augustine, but everyone can enjoy these holy folk-tales, which, after all, may not be completely untrue. They are, in contemporary jargon, among the first examples of popular communication - at any rate since the Gospels. They tell us, for instance, how St Francis persuades a fierce wolf that terrified the people of Gubbio to make a pact by which, in return for regular meals, he will leave the citizens alone. 'Give me your paw', said St Francis, and the wolf gave his paw. Most famous of all is the sermon to the birds - those creatures whcih seemed to the Gothic mind singularly priviledged. Seven centuries have not impaired the naive beauty of that episode, either in the text of the Fioretti or in Giotto's fresco.

St Francis is a figure of the pure Gothic time - the time of crusades and castles and the great cathedrals. Although he interpreted it in a curious way, he belonged to the age of chivalry. Well, however much one loves that world, it must, I think, remain for us today infinitely strange and remote. It is as enchanting, as luminious, as transcendental as the stained glass that is its glory - and in the ordinary meaning of the word as unreal. But already during the lifetime of St Francis another world was growing up, which for better or worse, is the ancestor of our own, the world of trade and of banking, of cities full of hard-headed men whose aim in life was to grow rich without ceasing to appear respectable..."

[pp74-79]